To Recognize or Not to Recognize: The EU's Numerous Actors Regarding the Recognition of Venezuela's Presidency
by Alberto M. Burgos-Rivera (UIUC)
This blog post was written for the course "Current Issues in
Global and EU Affairs", which took place from February 11-May 9, 2019.
Nicolás Maduro
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Juan Guaidó Image Credit: Gabriel Cruz, via Wikimedia Commons |
Although
the current presidential crisis facing Venezuela began in early January 2019,
its origins may be argued to have begun with Nicolás Maduro’s first
presidential term. An heir to Chavez’s Bolivarian Revolution, Maduro’s first
presidential term was marred by increased authoritarianism, human rights
violations, economic hyperinflation coupled by scarcity of basic goods. These
factors have caused an increase in emigration from the oil-rich nation towards
neighboring South American countries. While last year’s presidential elections
showed overwhelming electoral support for Maduro, it has been claimed that
these elections were marred by vote rigging. As a result, National Assembly
President Juan Guaidó declared himself interim president shortly after the
start of Maduro’s second presidential term. Despite worldwide condemnation of
Maduro’s regime, there is a lack of consensus on how to handle Venezuela’s
presidential crisis.
Federica Mogherini.
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The
current presidential crisis presents yet another instance in which the EU has been struggling to act with one coherent voice. At the EU level, the only institution to have openly recognized Guaidó as interim president has been the European Parliament. In reality, such recognition bears no political weight as
recognition of Venezuela’s presidency is set to fall upon the jurisdiction of
its member states as stated by High Representative Federica Mogherini. Of the
28 member states, however, around half recognize Guaidó as president while the
rest support political dialogues between the regime and the opposition.
Initiatives have been taken by the EU in attempts to establish consensus within
opposing parties. One such initiative being the establishment of a 90-day summit
between the EU and Latin American states in assessing the political situation
and accompanying a transition.
Despite
the EU’s lack of a single voice in Venezuela’s presidential crisis, there is one
point all actors in the EU can agree upon: military intervention. Unlike the
USA, as well as Guaidó himself, the EU has rejected any possibility of military
intervention. The EU has instead opted for the use of political dialogue within
opposing parties, as proposed with the Montevideo summit, as well as imposing
sanctions. Although the EU has implemented sanctions before, given the increase
in human rights violations, it has been proposed imposing further sanctions.
These sanctions “targeted at persons that have a special responsibility, either
in the obstruction of democratic processes or the use of violence against
demonstrators.” On the other hand, the EU has also contributed up to 50 million
euro to support Venezuela and its neighboring countries that host 3 million
people. Although we are yet to determine the outcome to be determined in the Montevideo
summit, the fact of the matter is that Maduro has severed diplomatic ties with both
the EU and the US and has been resistant to any political dialogue with
opposing parties. Despite the lack of a unified voice within the EU in how to
handle the Venezuelan presidential crisis, that fact that no EU ambassador was
present in Maduro’s presidential ceremony and the bloc’s disapproval of the
regime’s human rights violation hint at the both the bloc and the member
states’ shared values within the international stage.
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